Thirteen Days

Thirteen Days

When released in December 2000, Thirteen Days was pummeled for taking liberties with the facts of the Cuban missile crisis and smothering its compelling drama with phony Boston accents by its primary stars. More tolerant critics hailed it as one of the year's best films, and that's the opinion to believe for anyone who enjoys taut, intelligent political thrillers. For those too young to relate directly to the timeless urgency of the crisis that played out over 13 days in October 1962, Thirteen Days joins the classic TV treatment The Missiles of October (1973) as an intense and thought-provoking study of leadership under pressure. The film (and costar-coproducer Kevin Costner) drew criticism for fictionally enhancing the White House role of presidential aide Kenneth O'Donnell, but while Costner's Boston accent may be grating, his fine performance as O'Donnell offers expert witness to the crisis, its nerve-wracking escalation, and the efforts of John F. Kennedy (Bruce Greenwood) and Robert F. Kennedy (Steven Culp) to negotiate a peaceful settlement with Russia. While Soviet missiles approach operational status in Cuba, director Roger Donaldson (who directed Costner in No Way Out) cuts to exciting U.S. Navy flights over the missile site, ramping up the tension that history itself provided. Donaldson's occasional use of black and white is self-consciously distracting, and he's further guilty of allowing a shrillness (along with repetitive, ominous shots of nuclear explosions) to invade the urgency of David Self's screenplay. Still, as Hollywood history lessons go, Thirteen Days is riveting stuff. You may find yourself wondering what might happen if reality presented a repeat scenario under less intelligent leadership. --Jeff Shannon

Director(s): Roger Donaldson
Production: New Line Cinema
  3 wins & 7 nominations.
 
IMDB:
7.3
Metacritic:
67
Rotten Tomatoes:
83%
PG-13 (Parental Guidance Suggested)
Year:
2000
136
Website
6,762 Views

President Kennedy:
Okay - let's have it.

NPIC Photo Interpreter:
Gentlemen, as most of you now know, a U-2 over Cuba Sunday morning took a series of disturbing photographs. Our analysis at NPIC indicates that the Soviet Union has followed up its conventional weapons build-up in Cuba with the introduction of surface-to-surface, medium-range ballistic missiles, or MRBMs. Our official estimate at this time is that the missile system is the SS-4 'Sandal'. We do not believe that the missiles are as yet operational. Iron Bark reports that the SS-4 can deliver a three-megaton nuclear weapon 1,000 miles. So far we've identified 32 missiles serviced by about 3,400 men, undoubtedly all Soviet personnel. Our cities and military installations in the southeast as far north as Washington, D.C., are in range of these weapons, and in the event of a launch would have only five minutes warning.

General Marshall Carter:
Five minutes, gentlemen.

Gen. Maxwell Taylor:
In those five minutes, they could kill 80 million Americans - and destroy a significant percentage of our bomber bases, degrading our retaliatory options. The Joint Chiefs' consensus, Mr. President, is that this signals a major doctrinal shift in Soviet thinking - to a first-strike policy. It is a massively destabilizing move.

Robert Kennedy:
How long until they're operational?

NPIC Photo Interpreter:
General Carter can answer that question better than I can.

Taylor:
GMAC - Guided Missiles Intelligence Committee - estimates 10-14 days. A crash program could limit that time. However, I must stress that there may be more missiles - that we don't know about. We'll need more U-2 coverage.

President Kennedy:
Gentlemen, I want first reactions here. Assuming for the moment that Khruschev has NOT gone off the deep end - and intends to start World War Three - what are we looking at?

Dean Rusk:
Mr. President, I believe my team is in agreement. If we permit the introduction of nuclear missiles to a Soviet satellite nation in our hemisphere, the diplomatic consequences will be too terrible to contemplate. The Russians are trying to show the world they can do whatever they want, wherever they want, and we're powerless to stop them. If they succeed...

Robert Kennedy:
It'll be Munich all over again.

Rusk:
Yes. Appeasement only makes the aggressor more aggressive. And the Soviets will be emboldened to push us even harder. Now we must remove the missiles one way or another. Now it seems to me the options are either some combination of international pressure & action on our part, until they give in - or - we hit them. An air strike.

Robert Kennedy:
At this moment in time the United States is accepting the terms of Secretary Khrushchev's letter of Friday night. If the Soviet Union halts construction immediately, removes the missiles, and submits to UN inspection, the United States will pledge to never invade Cuba, or to aid others in that enterprise.

Anatoly Dobrynin:
If your Jupiter missiles in Turkey were removed also, such an accommodation could be reached.

RFK:
That's not possible. The United States cannot agree to such terms under threat. Any belief to the contrary was in error.

Dobrynin:
You want war?

RFK:
[RFK makes a frustrated gesture; Dobrynin reaches for his briefcase as if to leave] However...while there can be no quid pro quo on this matter, the United States can offer a private assurance. Now our Jupiter missiles in Turkey are obsolete, and have been scheduled for withdrawal for some time. This withdrawal should take place within, say, six months. Of course any public disclosure of this assurance would negate the deal, and produce the most stringent denials from our government.

Dobrynin:
This private assurance, represents the word of the highest authority?

RFK:
Yes.

Dobrynin:
And it can be relayed beyond Comrade Khrushchev ears, to the top circles of my government?

RFK:
Our pledge can be relayed to any government official Secretary Khrushchev sees fit to satisfy. With the caveat that it is not to be made public in any way, shape, or form. And we must have an answer tomorrow. I cannot stress this point enough.

Dobrynin:
Tomorrow?

RFK:
[firmly] Tomorrow.

Dobrynin:
Then, you must excuse me, [stands to leave] and permit me to relay the substance of our discussion to my superiors.

RFK:
Of course.

Dobrynin:
We have heard stories that some of your military men wish for war. [Puts his hand on RFK's shoulder] You are a good man. Your brother is a good man. I assure you there are other good men. Let us hope the will of good men is enough to counter the terrible strength of this thing that was put in motion.


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